QUOTE (Vorgoeth @ 22/1/2012, 15:02)
Talk of absolution is utterly irrelvent, man's been dead for two millenia. How do you judge someone of the past based on insights into their actions after their death?
I judge them on the content and consequences of their argument. How do you judge? Perhaps what you are objecting to is the use of the word "absolve"? I set no store by it, so if it bothers you substitute something else if you will
. The point is that Plato's ideas are current: indeed it has been claimed that most of western philosophy is a footnote to Plato: and he provides a justification for totalitarianism in every age. Words have power and Plato's words have great power. That is because the problems are pretty much universal and constant over time: and the different solutions do not change much. We give the principles different names; use different analogies; pretend that the basic disagreements have a different character. They don't. Plato would be no more than a historical curiosity if the fundamental issues were different now. His analysis would be of interest to historians and academics in the same way as theories of phlogisten and humours is for physics and medical research. We do not make progress in the field of politics so far as I can see. The arguments now are the same as they were in Greece in Plato's time. You may say that we have moved on and cite such things as the abolition of slavery in support of that view: which would be fine if slavery had been abolished. But it hasn't. It is certainly true that it is not acceptable in our particular time: but think how recently we have reached that conclusion. Look around the world and see that the principles which underpin our current views are not universally agreed. They are not secure either. Plato as a person does not interest me: that he had a family background and a personal experience which led him to his views is an aside: so I probably did mislead when I spoke of absolving him: my criticism is directed to his views and it is a lazy shorthand to tie them to the man. I apologise for that because it muddies the waters.
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And considering the progress (though that term may be arguable, bear with me) of society, of civilisation, how could you compare Plato to Hitler?
Interesting. What are the differences which you see as significant? To me they are both totalitarians: the fundamental of totalitarianism is, as I see it, the elevation of an abstraction over the worth of the individual. It comes dressed up in different ways: but that is the essence, I think. Once you concede that you admit of any deception, any action against the individual in the name of the greater good: often the "state" or some mystical conception like the "will of the people". This is opposed by what are short handed as "enlightenment" values: which values the individual and denies his being subsumed to a higher purpose. If you like you can tie that to Kantian morality: in a totalitarian mindset an individual is indeed a means and not an end, if that suits. You can consider it in the light of utilitarianism as well: though the connection is more tenuous and it is harder to establish. Nevertheless I think that at a rather dilute level the sacrifice of the miserable child to the prosperity and well being of the majority skirts the same territory, because the issue is absence of choice and value and, at bottom the use of an individual as a tool to achieve the ends of others.
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It's taken us thousands of years to get to this era, you think humanity as a whole has learned nothing in that time?
In terms of politics, philosophy and social arrangements, that is precisely what I think. I see nothing to suggest it is not true
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Totalitarianism is bad, this is fully agreed on, and the state Plato proposed does have, at least, aspects of such.
Yes. We had another thread where we were trying to identify the fundamental features of totalitarianism: we did not get very far, but it is an interesting topic nonetheless.
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Ideas of power, and therefore the idea of totalitarianism, have been around for as long as the idea of property. The difference is what other ideas are around, and in the two thousand year difference, there's been a few. Because of the historical context you deny gives absolution, there is a major difference in the degree to which absolution is a question. Which I don't think it is in the first place, but it does make a difference.
I disagree. The idea of power is not tied to totalitarianism, as you seem to imply. There is always power. I do not think it is a consequence of the idea of property either, necessarily. "Might is right" is also power, and there does not need to be any property at all for someone to beat you up, or threaten to do so, to make you do something they want you to do. Serial killers do not always get any gain from what they do, in terms of property: there is an internal satisfaction which might be characterised as the enjoyment of power for its own sake.
I do not see any new ideas about how political power should be granted or used, however: certainly not since the time of Plato. In his period the various possibilities for forms of government were all already there, so far as I know. Rule by one (monarchy) was familiar: rule by two existed in Egypt I think: rule by a few (oligarchy) was a major political thread for centuries in Athens: rule by money or property owners was a subset of that: rule by majority (democracy) was the major political opposition to the oligarchs; theocracy was known as a possible system ( again a subset of oligarchy) as was aristocracy (yet another variation of oligarchy); anarchy I am not so sure about, but I think there is a case to be made that this is the position of the cynics. And all of these had arguments to support them and to oppose them, just as they do now; the same arguments mostly. There is nothing new under the sun when it comes to political systems and people have always thought about this. Our ancestors were not stupider than we are:and they had no less knowledge about people. Philosophy and politics are about people.
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Now, I do not think (and again, I've not read Plato) that he wanted to eschew the democratic system in favour of the totalitarian philosopher king system, but he did want to limit it so poor decisions would not be made because the "lesser" populace voted poorly. I think that is an understandable position, if not a defensible one by today's standards. Personally, I have many times thought how much better democracy could be if the oft-stupid, manipulable masses did not vote on important legislature. But he did not want no one to vote. He wanted the smart people to vote.
I do not think that is correct. He wanted rule by a small group. He believed that the right decisions would be arrived at through the application of pure reason and it follows there would be no votes; how can there be votes when there is a "right" answer? We do not determine that the earth goes round the sun by voting, because there is a "right" answer, so it would be rather stupid to do that. Plato thought that the same applied to governance, so far as I can tell.
The problem with that is that a moment's reflection shows that real disagreement on matters political exists in every class and every level of education. Smart people are no better than dumb people: educated people no better than ignorant ones. The differences within each group are the same differences. That tells you all you need to know, IMO.
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So, how to choose who is allowed to be part of politics? As you so rightly point out, Fiona, there is no skill associated with politics. Plato knew this, the ancient Greeks in general knew this. So what to base it on? The answer they (or Plato, I do not know if he invented the idea) came up with was the virtues. Now, you may not give a damn if politicians are virtuous, but the ancient Greeks did. Plato did. They did not have an alternative.
They had the same alternative as you and me. At present the whole direction of travel is to elevate "virtue" to a basis for political competence. To me that is because there is no true alternative in the west at present: all the politicians have adopted the neoliberal analysis and so the people have no choice about the issues that matter: so there is nothing left to vote on but "character" or whatever word you want to use to describe the phenomenon. Once again there is exactly the same issue as was there in ancient greece: the tension between policy and personality. It is in the interests of the powerful, whoever they are, to persuade us that they are good chaps we wouldn't mind marrying our children to; that they share our values and our aspirations; that they are, in short, decent people. There is a point to that: there will be things which arise which have not been foreseen and it is comforting to think that they will decide on the basis of morals or values or whatever which we share. But we do not know that: we cannot know that: and neither could the athenians. It is equally in the interets of the powerful to say as little as they can about what they will actually do. So long as we focus on intrinsic qualities (whether you use virtue in the current sense or in theirs) you are placing your faith on your ability to make windows into the souls of people you know nothing about. I am reminded of the crass but funny representation of Kaa in the jungle book: "trust in me" is a rubbish song for a politician to sing.
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Political statements of intent were less- or even irrelevant, because they knew people cannot be trusted.
If people cannot be trusted that is an unswerable argument against totalitarianism: because the rulers are people too. The whole argument rests on the idea that they are different in this respect. I think that is nonsense. If a political statement of intent is overt then you have a chance of seeing whether it has been carried out: what Plato and all totalitarians propose is that we appoint people who never need to make such a statement; never need to be questioned or held to account for their actions or omissions. That is because they are different from the rest of us and will never do anything which is not unarguably good for all of us,
by virtue of who they are. Good luck with that. That is why your following paragraph is irrelevant from my point of view, too. I am aware that the word does not mean the same thing to them as it does to us on the surface: but the distinction is without a substantive difference.
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